Rukai

 

Ami

 

Paiwan

 

Truku

 

Atayal

 

Puyuma

 

Tsou

 

Thao

 

Bunun

 

Saisiat

 

Yami

 

Ketagalan

 

Kavalan

 

Siraya

 

 

Introduction to the Plains Tribes

 

 

Culture

* Naming Customs of Taiwanese Aborigines

* The Hongye Little League

* Formosan Languages

* The Internal Relationships of Formosan Languages by Paul Li

* Returning to the Land of the Ancestors by Max Woodworth

* Taiwan Aborigines Keep Rituals Alive by Caroline Gluck

* Taiwan Recognizes 'Lost People' by BBC News

 

台灣原住民族歷史語言文化大辭典

 

 

 

高雄市原住民部落大學

 

Taiwan Aboriginal Art The Yang-Grevot Collection

 

Textile Exhibit

 

 

 

Music

A full-time Aboriginal radio station, "Ho-hi-yan," was launched in 2005 with the help of the Executive Yuan, to focus on issues of interest to the indigenous community. This came on the heels of a "New wave of Indigenous Pop," as Aboriginal artists, such as A-mei (Puyuma tribe), Difang (Amis tribe), Pur-dur and Samingad (Puyuma tribe) became international pop-stars. Music has given Aborigines both a sense or pride and a sense of cultural ownership. The issue of ownership was exemplified when the musical project Enigma used an Ami chant in their song "Return to Innocence", which was selected as the official theme of the 1996 Atlanta Olympics.

* Return to Innocence by Enigma (video)

* Elders Drinking Song by Difang and Igay Duana (video)

 

Igay Duana

 

A-mei

 

 

Culture of Clothing Among Taiwan Aborigines: Tradition, Meaning, Images by Saalih Lee, et al.

 

Indigenous Writers of Taiwan: An Anthology of Stories, Essays, and Poems by John Balcom (Editor), et al.

 

Taiwanese Aborigines: Austronesian People by John McBrewster (Editor), et al.

 

 

 

 

 

Aborigines of Taiwan: The Puyuma by Josiane Cauquelin

 

Tales from the Taiwanese (World Folklore Series) by Gary Marvin Davison

 

Collective Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Identity-Based Movement of Plain Indigenous in Taiwan by Jolan Hsieh

 

 

The Taiwan Aboriginal Rights Webpage

 

* Aboriginal Rights Advocates Blast Cultural Tourism by Mo Yan-chih

* Legal Status of the Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan by Cheng-Feng Shih

* Taiwan, Can You Live With a Clear Conscience? by Yung-Ching Loh

 

 

 

 

 

The prehistory of Taiwan (台灣史前時期) includes the late Paleolithic era. During that time, roughly 50,000 BC to 10,000 BC, people were already living in Taiwan.

Evidence shows that the earliest civilization found in Taiwan was the Changbin civilization (長濱文化), this prehistoric site was found in Eastern Taiwan. Human skeletons were also found in Zuojhen, Tainan, therefore called the Zuojhen people (左鎮人). Yuanshan (圓山文化) and other prehistoric sites were found in Taipei Basin. However, there isn't enough evidence to be sure which group of people left the artifacts.

* 大坌坑文化
* 十三行文化
* 芝山岩文化

 

左鎮人

 

巴蘭遺址

 

十三行博物館

 

National Museum of Prehistory

 

Shung Ye Museum of Formosan Aborigines

 

Wulai Atayal Museum

 

Bunun Cultural and Educational Foundation (videos: 美麗島, Polyphonic Chant, 布農部落的感動)

 

abohome.org.tw

 

Council of Indigeneous Peoples

 

Taiwan Indigenous Peoples Portal

 

Institute of Austronesian Studies

 

Taitung County of Indigenous Peoples Website

 

Taiwan's Indigenous Peoples Resource Center

 

Ita Thao

 

Taiwan Aboriginal Culture Park

 

Formosan Aboriginal Culture Village

 

Formosa Digital Library

 

Gerald Warner Taiwan Image Collection

 

Digital Museum of Taiwan Indigeneous Peoples

 

 

Links to Articles

* Taiwan's Gift to the World by Jared M. Diamond

* New Research Forces U-Turn in Population Migration Theory by University of Leeds

* Pacific Islanders' Ancestry Emerges in Genetic Study by John Noble Wilford

* The Genetic Structure of Pacific Islanders by Jonathan S. Friedlaender, et al.

* Fun Theory: Genetics Rewrites Pacific Prehistory

* The Dispersal of the Formosan Aborigines in Taiwan by Paul Jen-kuei Li

* Map: Distribution of Austronesian in Taiwan Depicting Migration

* The Peopling of the Pacific: Archaeologists, linguists, and geneticists struggle to understand the origins of the bold seafarers who settled the remote Pacific Islands by Ann Gibbons

* mtDNA Provides a Link between Polynesians and Indigenous Taiwanese by PLOS Biology

* Mitochondrial DNA Polymorphisms in Nine Aboriginal Groups of Taiwan: Implications for the Population History of Aboriginal Taiwanese by A. Tajima, et al.

* A Mitochondrial Stratigraphy for Island Southeast Asia by C. Hill, et al. 

* Populating PEP II: The Dispersal of Humans and Agriculture Through Austral-Asia and Oceania by Michael I. Bird, et al. 

* Videos on Taiwanese DNA by Marie Lin (in Taiwanese) Video 1 , Video 2, Video 3

* True History of Taiwan by Sim Kiantek

* Stratification in the Peopling of China: How Far does the Linguistic Evidence Match Genetics and Archaeology? by Robert Blench

* Genetic Relationship of Populations in China by J.Y. Chu

* Current Developement in Comparative Austronesian Studies by James J. Fox

* Taiwan Aboriginals and Peoples of the Pacific-Asia Region: Multivariate Craniometric Comparisons by Michael Pietrusewsky, et al.   

* Molecular Analysis of Mutations and Polymorphisms of the Lewis Secretor Type α(1,2)-fucosyltransferase Gene Reveals that Taiwan Aborigines Are of Austronesian Derivation by J.-G. Chan, et al.

* Genome-Wide Analysis Indicates More Asian than Melanesian Ancestry of Polynesians by Manfred Kayser, et al.

* Melanesian and Asian Origins of Polynesians: mtDNA and Y chromosome gradients across the Pacific by M. Kayser, et al.

* Associations of Mycobacterium Tuberculosis Genotypes with Different Ethnic and Migratory Populations in Taiwan by HY Dou, et al.

* ALDH2, ADH1B, and ADH1C Genotypes in Asians: A literature review by MY Eng, et al.

* Immunoglobulin Allotypes among Taiwan Aborigines: Evidence of malarial selection could affect studies of population affinity by MS Schanfield, et al.

* Towards Understanding the Origin and Dispersal of Austronesians in the Solomon Sea: HLA class II polymorphism in eight distinct populations of Asia-Oceania by H. Zimdahl, et al.

* Genes, Ethics and Aborigines by Liu Shao-hua

* 從DNA 的研究看台灣原住民的來源 by 林媽利

* 台灣人的來源 by 林媽利

* 非原住民台灣人的基因結構 by 林媽利

* 再談85%台灣人帶原住民的基因 by 林媽利

* 考古首次證實 台灣應是南島民族的發源地 by 盧太城

* 台灣人和印支半島族群的關係 by 鄭昭任

* 血統獨立by 沈建德

* 平埔祖 ── 歷史之回顧 by 黃俊平

* 平埔後裔的族群認同以大社巴宰族為例 by 黃 美 雯

* 台南烏山頭遺址出土古代人類 DNA 序列分析 by 鄭萱怡

* 台灣新石器時代晚期及鐵器時代中南部人群古代DNA研究 by 鄭萱怡, et al.

 

A contract writing in both Chinese and the Sinckan language, 1784

 

The Sinckan language was spoken by the Siraya tribe that lived in what is now Tainan. During the time when Taiwan was under the administration of the Dutch East India Company, Dutch missionaries learned Sinckan to facilitate both missionary work and government affairs. They also created a romanized script and compiled a dictionary of the language, teaching the natives how to write their own language.

 

 

Formosan Cypress (紅檜)

 

Chamaecyparis formosensis is a species of Chamaecyparis, endemic to Taiwan, where it grows in the central mountains at moderate to high altitudes of 1000–2900 m. It is threatened by habitat loss and over-cutting for its valuable timber.

 

Formosan Mountain Dog

 

The Formosan Mountain Dog, commonly referred to as simply Formosan, and also known as Taiwan Native Dog (臺灣土狗) is a breed of dog indigenous to Taiwan. Originally kept by aboriginal Taiwanese as hunting dogs, purebred Formosans are extremely rare. Blood tests showed that they were related to dogs found in Southern Japan and that they were descendants of the South Asian Hunting Dog.

 

 

TAIWANESE ABORIGINES

Excerpts from Wikipedia.org

Taiwanese Aborigines (原住民, literally "original inhabitants"; videos in Chinese: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10) are the indigenous peoples of Taiwan. Although Taiwanese Aboriginal groups hold a variety of creation stories, recent research suggests their ancestors may have been living on the islands for approximately 8000 years before major Han Chinese immigration began in the 17th century. The Taiwanese Aborigines are Austronesian peoples, with linguistic and genetic ties to other Austronesian ethnic groups, such as peoples of the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, Madagascar and Oceania. The issue of an ethnic identity unconnected to the Asian mainland has become one thread in the discourse regarding the political status of Taiwan.

For centuries Taiwan's aboriginal peoples experienced economic competition and military conflict with a series of conquering peoples. Centralized government policies designed to foster language shift and cultural assimilation, as well as continued contact with the colonizers through trade, intermarriage and other dispassionate intercultural processes, have resulted in varying degrees of language death and loss of original cultural identity. For example, of the approximately 26 known languages of the Taiwanese Aborigines (collectively referred to as the Formosan languages), at least ten are extinct, five are moribund and several are to some degree endangered. These languages are of unique historical significance, since most historical linguists consider Taiwan to be the original homeland of the Austronesian language family.

Taiwan's Austronesian speakers were formerly distributed over much of the island's rugged central mountain range and were concentrated in villages along the alluvial plains. As of January 2006, their total population is around 458,000 (approximately 2 percent of Taiwan's population). The bulk of contemporary Taiwanese Aborigines reside in the mountains and the cities.

The indigenous peoples of Taiwan face economic and social barriers, including a high unemployment rate and substandard education. Many Aboriginal groups have been actively seeking a higher degree of political self-determination and economic development since the early 1980s.  A revival of ethnic pride is expressed in many ways by Aborigines, including incorporating elements of their culture into commercially successful pop music. Efforts are underway in indigenous communities to revive traditional cultural practices and preserve their traditional languages. Several Aboriginal tribes are becoming extensively involved in the tourism and ecotourism industries to achieve increased economic self-reliance from the state.

 

Recognized Peoples

Ami (阿美), Atayal (泰雅), Bunun (布農), Kavalan (噶瑪蘭), Paiwan (排灣), Puyuma (卑南), Rukai (魯凱), Saisiyat (賽夏) , Tao (雅美/達悟), Thao (邵族), Tsou (鄒), Truku (太魯閣), and Sakizaya (撒奇萊雅).

 

Unrecognized  Peoples

Babuza (貓霧捒),  Basay (巴賽),  Hoanya (洪雅),  Ketagalan (凱達格蘭) ,  Luilang (雷朗),  Pazeh/Kaxabu (巴宰 or 巴則海),  Popora (巴布拉),  Qauqaut (猴猴)Siraya (西拉雅),  Taokas (道卡斯),  Trobiawan (多囉美 or 多囉美遠).


History of the Aboriginal Peoples

Chipped-pebble tools dating from perhaps as early as 15,000 years ago suggest that the initial human inhabitants of Taiwan were Paleolithic cultures of the Pleistocene era. These people survived by eating marine life. Archaeological evidence points to an abrupt change to the Neolithic era around 6000 years ago, with the advent of agriculture, domestic animals, polished stone adzes and pottery. The stone adzes were mass-produced on Penghu and nearby islands, from the volcanic rock found there. This suggests heavy sea traffic took place between these islands and Taiwan at this time.

Recorded history of the Aborigines on Taiwan began around the seventeenth century, and has often been dominated by the views and policies of foreign powers and non-Aborigines. Beginning with the arrival of Dutch merchants in 1624, the traditional lands of the aborigines have been successively colonized by Dutch, Spanish, Han (from both the Ming and Qing dynasties), Japanese, and Chinese (the Chinese Nationalist government, or Kuomintang) rulers. Each of these successive “civilizing” cultural centers participated in violent conflict and peaceful economic interaction with both the Plains and Mountain tribal groups. To varying degrees, they influenced or transformed the culture and language of the indigenous peoples.

 

The European Period

During the European period (1623–1662) soldiers and traders representing the Dutch East India Company maintained a colony in southwestern Taiwan (1624–1662) near present-day Tainan. This established an Asian base for triangular trade between the company, the Qing Dynasty and Japan, with the hope of interrupting Portuguese and Spanish trading alliances. The Spanish also maintained a colony in northern Taiwan (1626–1642) in present-day Keelung. However, Spanish influence wavered almost from the beginning, so that by the late 1630s they had already withdrawn most of their troops. After they were driven out of Taiwan by a combined Dutch and Aboriginal force in 1642, the Spanish “had little effect on Taiwan’s history”. Dutch influence was far more significant: expanding to the southwest and north of the island, they set up a tax system and established schools and churches in many villages.

When the Dutch arrived in 1624 at Tayouan (Anping) Harbor, Siraya-speaking representatives from nearby Saccam village soon appeared at the Dutch stockade to barter and trade; an overture which was readily welcomed by the Dutch. The Sirayan villages were, however, divided into warring factions: the village of Sinckan (Sinshih) was at war with Mattau (Madou) and its ally Baccluan, while the village of Soulang maintained uneasy neutrality. In 1629 a Dutch expeditionary force searching for Han pirates, was massacred by warriors from Mattau, and the victory inspired other villages to rebel. In 1635, with reinforcements having arrived from Batavia (now Jakarta, Indonesia), the Dutch subjugated and burned Mattau. Since Mattau was the most powerful village in the area, the victory brought a spate of peace offerings from other nearby villages, many of which were outside the Siraya area. This was the beginning of Dutch consolidation over large parts of Taiwan, which brought an end to centuries of inter-village warfare. The new period of peace allowed the Dutch to construct schools and churches aimed to acculturate and convert the indigenous population. Dutch schools taught a romanized script (Sinckan writing), which transcribed the Siraya language. This script maintained occasional use through the 18th century. Today only fragments survive, in documents and stone stele markers. The schools also served to maintain alliances and open aboriginal areas for Dutch enterprise and commerce.

The Dutch soon found trade in deerskins and venison in the East Asian market to be a lucrative endeavor, and recruited plains Aborigines to procure the hides. The deer trade attracted the first Han traders to Aboriginal villages, but as early as 1642 the demand for deer greatly diminished the deer stocks. This drop significantly reduced the prosperity of Aboriginal tribes, forcing many Aborigines to take up farming to counter the economic impact of losing their most vital food source.

As the Dutch began subjugating Aboriginal villages in the south and west of Taiwan, increasing numbers of Han immigrants looked to exploit areas that were fertile and rich in game. The Dutch initially encouraged this, since the Han were skilled in agriculture and large-scale hunting. Several Han took up residence in Siraya villages. The Dutch used Han agents to collect taxes, hunting license fees and other income. This set up a society in which “... many of the colonists were [Han Chinese] but the military and the administrative structures were Dutch”. Despite this, local alliances transcended ethnicity during the Dutch period. For example, the Kuo Huai-i Rebellion in 1652, a Han farmers’ uprising, was defeated by an alliance of 120 Dutch musketeers with the aid of Han loyalists and 600 Aboriginal braves.

The Dutch period ended in 1662 when Ming loyalist forces of Zheng Chenggong (Koxinga) drove out the Dutch and established the short-lived Zheng family kingdom on Taiwan. The Zhengs brought 70,000 soldiers to Taiwan and immediately began clearing large tracts of land to support its forces. Despite the preoccupation with fighting the Qing, the Zheng family was concerned with Aboriginal welfare on Taiwan. The Zhengs built alliances, collected taxes and erected Aboriginal schools, where Taiwan’s Aborigines were first introduced to the Confucian Classics and Chinese writing. However, the impact of the Dutch was deeply ingrained in Aboriginal society. In the 19th and 20th century, European explorers wrote of being welcomed as kin by the aborigines who thought they were the Dutch, who had promised to return.

 

Qing Dynasty Rule

In 1683, following a naval engagement with Admiral Shi Lang, one of Koxinga's father's trusted friends, Koxinga's grandson Zheng Keshuang submitted to Qing Dynasty control.

Despite the expense of the military and diplomatic campaign that brought Taiwan into the imperial realm, the general sentiment in Beijing was ambivalent. The point of the campaign had been to destroy the Zheng-family regime, not to conquer the island. Qing Emperor Kangxi expressed the sentiment that Taiwan was "the size of a pellet; taking it is no gain; not taking it is no loss" (彈丸之地。得之無所加,不得無所損). His ministers counseled that the island was "a ball of mud beyond the sea, adding nothing to the breadth of China" (海外泥丸,不足為中國加廣), and advocated removing all the Chinese to the mainland and abandoning the island. It was only the campaigning of admiral Shi Lang and other supporters that convinced the Emperor not to abandon Taiwan. Koxinga's followers were forced to depart from Taiwan to the more unpleasant parts of Qing controlled land. By 1682 there were only 7000 Chinese left on Taiwan as they had intermarried with aboriginal women and had property in Taiwan.

From 1683, the Qing Dynasty ruled Taiwan as a prefecture and in 1875 divided the island into two prefectures, north and south. In 1885, the island was made into a separate Chinese province.

The Qing authorities tried to limit immigration to Taiwan and barred families from traveling to Taiwan to ensure the immigrants would return to their families and ancestral graves. Illegal immigration continued, but many of the men had few prospects in war weary Fujian and thus married locally, resulting in the idiom "mainland grandfather no mainland grandmother" (有唐山公無唐山媽). The Qing tried to protect aboriginal land claims, but also sought to turn them into tax paying subjects. Chinese and tax paying aborigines were barred from entering the wilderness which covered most of the island for the fear of raising the ire of the non taxpaying, highland aborigines and inciting rebellion. A border was constructed along the western plain, built using pits and mounds of earth, called "earth cows", to discourage illegal land reclamation.

 

Plain aborigines of Kanatsui in Taipei area (1897)

 

Plains, Mountains and Tribal Definitions

The Han sailor, Chen Di, in his Record of the Eastern Seas (1603), identifies the indigenous people of Taiwan as simply 東番, or “Eastern Savage”, while the Dutch referred to Taiwan’s original inhabitants as “Indians” or “blacks”, based on their prior colonial experience in what is currently Indonesia.

Beginning nearly a century later, as the rule of the Qing Empire expanded over wider groups of people, writers and gazetteers recast their descriptions away from reflecting degree of acculturation, and toward a system that defined the Aborigines relative to their submission or hostility to Qing rule. Qing literati used the term (raw) “生番” to define those people who had not submitted to Qing rule, and (cooked) “熟番” for those who had pledged their allegiance through their payment of a head tax. According to the standards of the Qianlong Emperor and successive regimes, “cooked” was synonymous with having assimilated to Han cultural norms, and living as a subject of the Empire. This reflected the prevailing idea that anyone could become a civilized person by adopting Confucian social norms

As the Qing consolidated their power over the plains and struggled to enter the mountains in the late 19th century, the terms “Plains tribes” (lowland) Pepo or Pingpu zu 平埔族 and “High Mountain tribes” (highland) Gao shan zu 高山族 were used interchangeably with the terms “Raw” and “Cooked”. During the 50 years of Japanese colonial rule (1895–1945), anthropologists from Japan maintained the binary classification. In 1900 they incorporated it into their own colonial project by employing the term Peipo (Plains Aborigine) for the “cooked tribes”, and creating a category of “recognized tribes” for the Aborigines who had formerly been called “raw”. They referred to them as takasagozoku (高砂族). The latter group included the Atayal, Bunun, Tsou, Saisiat, Paiwan, Puyuma, and Ami peoples. The Yami (Tao) and Thao were added later, for a total of nine recognized tribes. During the early period of Chinese Nationalist Kuomintang (KMT) rule the terms Shandi Tongbao 山地同胞 “mountain compatriots” and Pingdi Tongbao 平地同胞 “plains compatriots” were invented, to remove the presumed taint of Japanese influence and reflect the place of Taiwan’s indigenous people in the Chinese Nationalist state. The KMT later adopted the use of all the earlier Japanese groupings except “Peipo”.

Despite recent changes in the field of anthropology and a shift in Taiwanese government objectives, the Gaoshan and Pingpu labels in use today maintain the form given by the Qing to reflect Aborigines’ acculturation to Han culture. The current recognized Aborigines are all regarded as Gaoshan, though the divisions are not and have never been based strictly on geographical location. The Amis, Saisiat, Tao and Kavalan are all traditionally eastern plains cultures. The distinction between Plains and Gaoshan people continues to affect Taiwan’s policies regarding indigenous peoples, and their ability to participate effectively in government.

 

Aboriginal children under Japanese occupation

 

Wushe Incident

The "Wùshè Incident" (霧社事件) was the biggest and the last rebellion against Japanese colonial forces in Taiwan, resulting in the massacre of the Taiwanese aborigine group, Atayal in 1930.

The cause of the rebellion is attributed to Japanese policy toward Taiwanese natives. In Japanese policy, Taiwanese tribal natives were classified as "aboriginal", and a separate lower class in comparison to the Komin (imperial citizens). Forced resettlement, oppression of tribal practices as well as forced labour and exploitation by Japanese police forces caused a large amount of hostility towards the Japanese, particularly their police forces, from the native tribes.

* Formosa's First Nations and the Japanese: From Colonial Rule to Postcolonial Resistance by  Scott Simon

 

Assimilation and Acculturation

During the Japanese and KMT periods centralized modernist government policies, rooted in ideas of Social Darwinism and culturalism directed education, genealogical customs and other traditions toward ethnic assimilation. Ethnic shift among the Gaoshan, who had less contact with outsiders due to the inaccessibility of their lands, was more the result of centralized assimilative pressures than gradual social change. Nonetheless, the cultures and languages of most of the recognized tribes remain resilient today. Multicultural policies have contributed to ethnic pride in those communities.

The complexity and scope of Aboriginal assimilation and acculturation on Taiwan has led to three general narratives of Taiwanese ethnic change. The oldest narrative holds that Han migration from Fujian and Guangdong in the 17th Century pushed the plains Aborigines into the mountains, where they became the highland tribes of today. A relatively newer view asserts that through widespread intermarriage between Han and Aborigines between the 17th and 19th centuries, the Aborigines were completely sinicized. Finally, modern ethnographical and anthropological studies have shown a pattern of cultural shift mutually experienced by both Han and Plains Aborigines, resulting in a hybrid culture. Today people who comprise Taiwan’s ethnic Han demonstrate major cultural differences from Han elsewhere

 

Surnames and Identity

Several factors encouraged the assimilation of the plains tribes. Taking a Han name was a necessary step in instilling Confucian values in the Aborigines. Confucian values were necessary to be recognized as a full person and to operate within the Confucian Qing state. A surname in Han society was viewed as the most prominent legitimizing marker of a patrilineal ancestral link to the Yellow Emperor and the Five Emperors of Han mythology. Possession of a Han surname, then, could confer a broad range of significant economic and social benefits upon Aborigines, despite a prior non-Han identity or mixed parentage. In some cases, members of plains tribes adopted the Han surname Pan (潘) as a modification of their designated status as Fan (番: "barbarian").  One family of Pazih became members of the local gentry complete with a lineage to Fujian province. In other cases, plains Aborigine families adopted common Han surnames, but traced their earliest ancestor to their locality in Taiwan.

In many cases, large groups of immigrant Han would unite under a common surname to form a brotherhood. Brotherhoods were used as a form of defense, as each sworn brother was bound by an oath of blood to assist a brother in need. The brotherhood groups would link their names to a family tree, in essence manufacturing a genealogy based on names rather than blood, and taking the place of the kinship organizations commonly found in China. The practice was so widespread that today's family books are largely unreliable. Many plains aborigines joined the brotherhoods to gain protection of the collective as a type of insurance policy against regional strife, and through these groups they took on a Han identity with a Han lineage.

The degree to which any one of these forces held sway over others is unclear. Preference for one explanation over another is sometimes predicated upon a given political viewpoint. The cumulative effect of these dynamics is that by the beginning of the twentieth century the plains tribes were almost completely acculturated into the larger ethnic Han group, and had experienced nearly total language shift from their respective Formosan languages to Chinese. In addition, legal barriers to the use of traditional surnames persisted until recently, and cultural barriers remain. Aborigines were not permitted to use their traditional names on official identification cards until 1995.

 

Migration to Highlands

One popular narrative holds that all of the high mountain (Gaoshan) tribes were originally plains tribes, which fled to the mountains under pressure from Han encroachment. This strong version of the "migration" theory has been largely discounted by contemporary research as the Gaoshan people demonstrate a physiology, material cultures and customs that have been adapted for life at higher elevations. Linguistic, archaeological, and recorded anecdotal evidence also suggests there has been island-wide migration of indigenous peoples for over 3000 years

Small sub-groups of plains Aborigines may have occasionally fled to the mountains, foothills or eastern plain to escape hostile groups of Han or other Aborigines. The "displacement scenario" is more likely rooted in the older customs of many plains groups to withdraw into the foothills during headhunting season or when threatened by a neighboring village as observed by the Dutch during their punitive campaign of Mattou in 1636 when the bulk of the village retreated to Tevoraan.  The "displacement scenario" may also stem from the inland migrations of plains aborigine subgroups, who were displaced by either Han or other plains aborigines and chose to move to the Iilan plain in 1804, the Puli basin in 1823 and another Puli migration in 1875. Each migration consisted of a number of families and totaled hundreds of people, not entire tribes. There are also recorded oral histories that recall some Plains aborigines were sometimes captured and killed by highlands tribes while relocating through the mountains. However, as Shepherd (1993) explained in detail, documented evidence shows that the majority of plains people remained on the plains, intermarried immigrants from Fujian, and adopted a Han identity, where they remain today.

Aboriginal men, boys and hunting Dogs

 

Ecological Issues

The indigenous tribes of Taiwan are closely linked with ecological awareness and conservation issues on the island, as many of the environmental issues are spearheaded by aborigines. Political activism and sizable public protests regarding the logging of the Chilan Formosan Cypress, as well as efforts by an Atayal member of the Legislative Yuan, "...focused debate on natural resource management and specifically on the involvement of Aboriginal people therein". Another high-profile case is the nuclear waste storage facility on Orchid Island, a small tropical island 60 km (30 nautical miles) off the southeast coast of Taiwan. The inhabitants are the 4000 members of the Tao (or Yami) tribe. In the 1970s the island was designated as a possible site to store low and medium grade nuclear waste. The island was selected on the grounds that it would be cheaper to build the necessary infrastructure for storage and it was thought that the population would not cause trouble. Large-scale construction began in 1978 on a site 100 m from the Immorod fishing fields. The Tao tribe alleges that government sources at the time described the site as a 'factory' or a 'fish cannery', intended to bring "jobs [to the] home of the Tao/Yami, one of the least economically integrated areas in Taiwan". When the facility was completed in 1982, however, it was in fact a storage facility for "97,000 barrels of low-radiation nuclear waste from Taiwan's three nuclear power plants."  The Tao have since stood at the forefront of the anti-nuclear movement and launched several exorcisms and protests to remove the waste they claim has resulted in deaths and sickness. The lease on the land has expired, and an alternative site has yet to be selected.