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Paiwan

 

Paiwan/PIUMA

 

台灣排灣族雕刻館

 

* Paiwan Woodcarving by the Web of Ping Tung Aboriginals

 

排灣族神話與傳說 by 達西烏拉彎‧畢馬 (田哲益)

 

 

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PAIWAN

Excerpts from Wikipedia.org

The Paiwan (排灣) are an aboriginal tribe of Taiwan. They speak the Paiwan language. In the year 2000 the Paiwan numbered 70,331. This was approximately 17.7% of Taiwan's total indigenous population, making them the third-largest tribal group.

The unique ceremonies in Paiwan are Masaru and Maleveq. The Masaru is a ceremony that celebrates the harvest of rice, whereas the Maleveq commemorates their ancestors or gods.

 

History

One of the most important figures in Paiwan history was supreme chief Toketok (卓其督; ca. 1817 - 1874), who united 18 tribes of Paiwan under his rule, and in 1867 concluded a formal agreement with Chinese and Western leaders to ensure the safety of foreign ships landing on their coastal territories in return for amnesty for Paiwan tribesmen who had killed a ship's crew on a previous occasion.

• An Okinawan vessel shipwrecked on the southern tip of Taiwan and the crew of fifty-four were beheaded by the Paiwan aborigines. When Japan sought compensation from Qing China, the court rejected the demand on the grounds that the "wild"/"unsubjugated" aboriginals (台灣生番) were outside its jurisdiction. This open renunciation of sovereignty led to the Taiwan Expedition of 1874 by the Japanese.

* 排灣族反核聯盟聲明書

 

Language

Paiwan is a native language of Taiwan, spoken by the Paiwan people, one tribe of the Taiwanese aborigines. Paiwan is a Formosan language of the Austronesian language family. The number of speakers is estimated to be 66,000.

 

 

Classification of Austronesian Languages

• Tsouic
  • Tsou
  • Saaroa
  • Kanakanabu
• Western Plains
  • Thao (AKA Sao. Brawbaw, Shtafari dialects)
  • Central Western Plains
    • Babuza (Taokas, Poavosa dialects)
    • Popora-Hoanya (Popora, Hoanya dialects)
• Northwest Formosan
  • Saisiyat (Taai, Tungho dialects)
  • Pazeh (AKA Kulun)
• Atayalic
  • Atayal
  • Seediq (AKA Truku, Taroko)
• East Formosan
  • Northern (Kavalanic)
    • Basai (Trobiawan, Linaw-Qauqaul dialects)
    • Kavalan
    • Ketagalan
  • Central (Ami)
    • Nataoran (North Amis)
    • Amis
  • Siraya
  • Malayo-Polynesian
• Bunun
• Rukai (Mantauran, Tona, and Maga dialects are divergent)
• Puyuma
• Paiwan (southern tip of Formosa)

 

 

 

 

Paiwan Distribution Map

(Map from Digital Museum of Taiwan Indigeneous Peoples)

 

 

 

 

* 排灣族作家研究──以陳英雄、莫那能、利格拉樂‧阿烏、亞榮隆‧撒可努為對象 by 潘泠枏

Abstract: 對原住民文學的界定，本文乃採孫大川以編選之《台灣原住民族漢語文學選集》的身份血統為標準，並以原住民「自我身份認同」作為本文論述的基點。而原住民文學發展的分期，以原住民運動為分水嶺，原運之前的作品，由於政治與時代氛圍因素，本文將此時期定位為「同化、妥協期」；伴隨原運而生的作品，依其爭取原住民權益、族群之主體性為訴求的社會運動，本文定位為「控訴、抗爭期」；原運降溫，此時期的作品也轉以認同文化、重建歷史的多元面向，本文定位為「認同、回歸期」。本文試圖以台灣戰後原住民漢語文學之排灣族作家、作品為研究對象，探討分屬於不同時代、社會環境下的排灣族作家，其創作之心靈軌跡，以及對應於台灣社會關於原住民相關議題的辯證。

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Paiwan Clay Pots

 

* Clay Pot by The Web of Ping Tung Aboriginals

Excerpt: There are three treasures in the Paiwan tribe, namely bronze sword, ancient clay pot, and lazurite beads. They are supreme and precious family treasures, especially ancient clay pot. In veneration of clay pots, there comes numerous fairy stories and legends, considering it personified and sacred. In a fairy story of Raval groups, a clay pot was pregnant because the sun shone on it, giving a birth to nobles.

Ancient clay pot has significant effects and meaning in the strict ranking society. The handing down of clay pots to pedigree system have formed a comparison. One posses clay pots in quality and number shows the aristocrat relations, status and strength of power. On the other hand, clay pots are a must for dowry in aristocrat marriage. The legend has it t ancestors would have been prosperous and successful life because they had a clay pot in which family spirit living. Hence, clay pots are objects to be worshipped. The common people had no clay pots in the beginning, yet they may have bought some lower grades or swapped with articles to promote their social status. It is proved that ancient clay pots hold social value and functions in the Paiwan tribal society.

 

* 祖靈的居所 台灣排灣族古陶壺特展 by 邵鈺敏

Excerpt: 傳說，Tavaran部落有兩兄弟，發現大母母山頂冒出黑煙，相約前往一探究竟。他們發現裝有太陽蛋的陶壺，於是努力造橋，慎重迎接陶壺過河回到部落，兄弟帶回陶壺安置在takivalit家中，請百步蛇守護。十個月後，陽光直射入家中陶壺，陶壺突然迸裂，出現一個小女嬰。

對於排灣族人來說，古陶壺不但是祖靈寄居在人間的住所，也與族群的歷史、信仰和文化息息相關，因而形成特殊的古陶壺傳統，不但在部落中具有非常重要的地位，對於一般民眾更是充滿了神秘的色彩。國立自然科學博物館推出的《祖靈的居所－－-台灣排灣族古陶壺特展》，藉由多采多姿的排灣族古陶壺和神話傳說，為觀眾揭開排灣族傳統文化的神秘面紗。

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Paiwan Bronze Knife

 

* Bronze Knife by Digital Museum of Nature and Culture

Excerpt: Bronze knives, azure stone beads and ceramic pots are the “three treasures” of the Paiwan tribe. In earlier days these items would only be owned by chiefs or higher-class people and were usually passed down from ancestors. Usually these sacred items would not be touched casually by ordinary people and would only be shown during the special ceremony held every five years.

The Paiwan today only know that the bronze knives were passed down from their ancestors and were sacred. Taiwan does not have the tin needed to make bronze and none of the aborigine tribes possessed bronze making technology, so some scholars believe the bronze knives originated in the Dongshan civilization of Vietnam because of their shape and material.

 

 

Đông Sơn Culture

Find of Dong Son type drums

The Đông Sơn culture was a prehistoric Bronze Age culture that was centered at the Red River Valley of northern Vietnam. Its influence flourished to other parts of Southeast Asia, including the Indo-Malayan Archipelago from about 1000 BC to 1 BC.

The Dong Son people were skilled at cultivating rice, keeping buffaloes and pigs, fishing and sailing with long dug-out canoes. They also were skilled bronze casters, as can be seen in the famous Dong Son drums, which have been found widely in Southeast Asia and the lower reaches of southern China.

The Dong Son culture is linked to the Tibeto-Burman culture, the Dai culture in Yunnan and Laos, the Mon-Khmer cultures and the culture associated with the Plain of Jars in Laos. Similar artifacts have been found in Cambodia along the Mekong River dating back to the 4th millennium B.C. Dong Son influence is seen throughout South-East Asia, from the moko drum of Alor, Indonesia (suspected of originating with Dong Son bronze drums) to the design of keris knife.

To the south of the Dong Son culture was the proto-Cham Sa Huynh culture.

Origins: The theory based on the assumption that bronze casting in eastern Asia originated in northern China; however, this idea has been discredited by archaeological discoveries in north-eastern Thailand in the 1970s. In the words of Clark D. Neher, currently Distinguished Teaching Professor in Dept. of Political Science at Northern Illinois University, "Bronze casting began in Southeast Asia and was later borrowed by the Chinese, not vice versa as the Chinese scholars have always claimed".

This interpretation is supported by the work of modern Vietnamese archaeologists. They have found that the earliest bronze drums of Dong Son are closely related in basic structural features and in decorative design to the pottery of the Phung Nguyen culture. It is still uncertain whether the bronze drums were made for religious ceremonies, to rally men for war, or for another secular activity. The various discerning images and arrow points engraved on the drums has raised speculation that the drums may have been used as a local seasonal calendar. Furthermore, the recurring images of a figure holding a scroll of paper and the finding of these dated papers at various sites may point to the Dong Son as the first peoples who began the paper making process. However, as of now, these are only theories proposed by Vietnamese scholars.

The bronze drums were made in significant proportions in Vietnam and parts of Southern China and were then traded to the south and west to places such as Java and the Bali islands. Thus it became valued by people with very different cultures. The Dong Son bronze drums exhibit the advanced techniques and the great skill in the lost-wax casting of large objects, the Co Loa drum would have required the smelting of between 1 and 7 tons of copper ore and the use of up to 10 large castings crucibles at one time. Most scholars agree the Dong Son drums display an artistic level reaching perfection that few cultures of the time could rival.

 

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Paiwan Lazurite Beads

 

* Lazurite Beads by The Web of Ping Tung Aboriginals

Excerpt: Lazurite beads, have long relations with the Paiwan tribal society and have been highly valued by the Taiwan people – treasures often used for dowry. Traditionally, only aristocrats may have owned them because it stands for respect of social identity and status. Every lazurite bead has different color and lines. Fairy stories and legends have been handing down, and through fairy stories lazurite beads have been given life and sacred meaning. For example, the description of beads are such noble and beautiful beads, beads of peacock, tears of the sun The Paiwan people believe lazurite beads posses spiritual powers, enabling to give blessings and protection or bring misfortune. In the old days, lazurite beads were far more of religious meaning and social ranking than of decorative meaning. Now due to social change, common people can afford to buy ancient beads as a symbol of wealth. Lazurite beads come to different sizes, large, small, multi-colored or single colored for necklace or chest ornaments. Large colored lazurite beads have their specific names separately for male and female. There requires certain sequences of strings and positions to manifest bead value. Small single-colored lazurite beads have also be used in a large quantity to embroider a portrait and traditional patterns. There are no ancient technique for making lazurite beads in Paiwan tribe, so the handing down beads are precious. Currently, artist of the Paiwan tribe is trying to apply modern technique and material to make imitated laurite beads. The main materials are glass and clay. The former is sparklingly bright and the latter is simple and plain. It has a distinguishing feature applying to decorative artwork.

 

 

Lazurite is a tectosilicate mineral with sulfate, sulfur and chloride with formula: (Na,Ca)8(AlSiO4)6(SO4,S,Cl)2. It is usually massive and forms the bulk of the gemstone lapis lazuli.

Lazurite has been mined for over 6,000 years in the lapis lazuli district of Badakhshan, Afghanistan. It has been used as a pigment in painting and cloth dyeing since at least the sixth or seventh century AD (Eastaugh 2004, p. 219). It is also mined at Lake Baikal in Siberia; Mount Vesuvius; Burma; Canada; and the United States (Eastaugh 2004, p. 219). The name is from the Persian lazward for blue.

 

 

 

* 琉璃珠的身世 by 琉璃珠之

Excerpt: 排灣族的琉璃珠及其製作技術從何傳入,至今眾說紛云，不過就其成份來看，排灣族群所持有的琉璃珠屬含鉛量高且暗淡不透明的，此特性與東南亞系珠相同，再就珠上的圖紋而論，東南亞系珠特有的右斜紋珠、縱紋珠與眼睛珠其用色、色序與排灣族流傳之古珠也很相同，至於串珠之排列方式，兩地都有區隔彩繪珠和單色珠的習慣，並且在項飾的編排中均有以細小珠編成數串集中一區之Budideg(間隔區)編法。縱觀以上現象，東南亞地區，尤其印尼 (Indonesia)、婆羅州 (Borneo) 一帶之琉璃珠與台灣的排灣族琉璃珠應是一脈相傳的文化，而製作地也應該是在印尼、婆羅州一帶。
台灣考古人類學家陳奇祿先生由珠子的成分判斷排灣族群持有的琉璃珠屬於東南亞系珠(即含鉛比率高,無鋇的成份),因而推斷排灣族群應於西元初後自東南亞地區遷入台灣並將傳家之寶-多彩琉璃珠等攜入傳進。另外日本學者三吉朋十在西元1930年探訪南洋,發現婆羅州島北部的原住民所使用的琉璃珠和陶壺其型制以及圖騰與台灣的排灣族非常相似,因而推測排灣族的先祖大約是在十四世紀左右,由婆羅州直接或經由呂宋島,攜帶琉璃珠渡海來台。

 

 

* 琉璃珠文化背景 by Pingtung County Government

* Video: 台灣宏觀電視TMACTV--排灣族琉璃珠

* Video: 原住民手工藝_「排灣族的琉璃世界」

 

* 海角七號 - 經典人物與代表琉璃珠意 by coolsolog

Excerpt: 造成全台風靡的國片「海角七號」也帶動了一股周邊商品的熱賣，其中最普及的莫過於劇中出現的琉璃珠了。由於劇中人物個性鮮明，幾乎每位人物都有一段不為人知的過去， 在「海角七號」中，女主角友子送樂團團員每人一款琉璃珠，而每一款琉璃珠也正好映照著劇中人物的生命歷程和希望。以下為海角七號人物與其映照琉璃珠的介紹. ...

 

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Paiwan Woven Crafts

 

Paiwan hunting hat (Image from Digital Museum of Taiwan Indigeneous Peoples)

 

* Basket Weaving: Paiwan

Excerpt: Some of the woven items commonly seen among the Paiwan include cradles, food baskets, zhudou, baskets carried on the back, bamboo baskets, and. The Paiwan have a virtual plethora of woven items, from baskets used for food storage, cooking, and transporting crops to the little baskets tied to the waist and the large baskets used as backpacks.

The main materials used by the Paiwan for weaving include bamboo, the yuetao (月桃; Alpinia) , and rattan. Males perform the task of collecting rattan as it is found in the mountains. They generally gather some on their way back from hunting excursions. Bamboo and yuetao are distributed in a wider area and can be gathered near fields and villages.

The Paiwan place semi-finished woven products out in the sun. The Paiwan have some common techniques to their weaving. They generally use diagonal line weaving techniques to form the bases of their baskets. They use fine rattan strips to adorn and reinforce edges. They generally finish up their woven products with double "mustache-shaped" weaves.

The Paiwan have some taboos in regards to their woven items. Men and women can use a type of basket known as the "piu" for carrying utensils or food when working in the fields or hunting, but once a basket has been used on a hunt by a male to carry hunting tools, it cannot be used to carry feminine articles. Doing so will prevent males from being able to hunt down prey. On the other hand, males can use pius that have been used to carry women's clothing.

 

Rattan (Daemonorops draco)

 

 

Shellflower (Alpinia speciosa)

 

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Images from The Gerald Warner Taiwan Image Collection

Two Paiwan Women Carrying Baskets

(The large bamboo stalk is used for transporting water)

 

Group of Sixteen Residents of Taidong, Paiwan Adults, Children, Women and Men, Carrying Produce in Baskets and in Bundles

 

Paiwan Man and Woman

(Paiwan man and woman in elaborate attire, including head-dresses and leopard skins, with trademark Paiwan slate roof, snake-and-human decorated lintel work, and upright carved-slate statue. These decorations indicate the home of hereditary elites in Paiwan society.)

 

Paiwan Man and Four Women in Official Attire and Headwear in Pingdong County

 

Paiwan Youths, Male and Female

 

Seated Paiwan Males Playing Jew's Harps and a Nose Flute in Richly Ornamented Clothing and Head-dresses

 

The "Headman" of Manuru village in Pingdong County

 

Two Paiwan Women Hulling Millet with Large Wooden Pestles

 

Paiwan Girl by Lan Yin-ting

Caption [trans.]:"Paiwan maiden." Riban no tomo caption: "Aborigine-Border Scenery no. 5: Paiwan maiden from Chaozhou county, Amawan village." Lan Yin-ting/Yinding (1903-1979) trained under Japanese artist Ishikawa Kinichiro at the Taipei normal school, and went on to become a very prominent figure in Taiwanese painting (Liao 2006, p. 8-9). Several of Lan's watercolors appeared in the 1930s in publications of the ""Friends of Aborigine Administration"" an organ of the Japanese colonial government (Riban no tomo) and (H. Suzuki 1935).

 

 

Images from

 

 

 

 

Images from Among the Head Hunters of Formosa by Janet B. Montgomery McGovern

 

 

 

Images from The Camera is Working: Paiwan aesthetics and performances in Taiwan by Tai-li Hu

Rhemalits Tjakisuvung is playing the nose flute to express the emotion of 'thoughtful sorrow'.

 

Paiwan people love to be filmed, especially on occassions of dancing when they dress in splendid costumes and ornaments with Paiwan symbols and designs.

 

The female chief Kalaikail Tjivulukan is filmed with the Hodgson's hawk eagle. In the real legends, the ancestral hundred-pace snake transforms into a Hodgson's hawk eagle, which has the same triangular design on the feathers of its wings.

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TheMudan Incident

The Battle of Stonegate (石門進撃) during The Mudan Incident, May 22, 1874

The Taiwan Expedition of 1874 (Japanese: Taiwan Shuppei: 台湾出兵. In Taiwan and mainland China, the expedition is referred to as the Mudan incident 牡丹社事件.) was a punitive expedition by the Japanese military forces following the murder of 54 crewmembers of a wrecked Ryukyuan merchant vessel by Paiwan aborigines on the southwestern tip of Taiwan in December 1871. It marks the first overseas deployment of the Imperial Japanese Army and Imperial Japanese Navy.

An Okinawan vessel shipwrecked on the southern tip of Taiwan and the crew of fifty-four were beheaded by the Paiwan aborigines. The rest of the twelve crew were rescued by Han Chinese and were transferred to Tainan in southern Taiwan. The local Chinese government officials transferred them to Fujian province in mainland China. From there, the Qing government arranged to send them back home. When Japan sought compensation from Qing China, the court rejected the demand on the grounds that the "wild"/"unsubjugated" aboriginals (台灣生番) were outside its jurisdiction. This open renunciation of sovereignty led to the Taiwan Expedition of 1874 by the Japanese.

The Meiji government of Japan demanded that the Chinese government punish leaders of the Taiwanese aborigines responsible for the murders of the Ryukyuan crew. The Japanese foreign minister Soejima Taneomi went to Beijing, and was received in an audience by the Qing Emperor Tongzhi (in itself a diplomatic triumph); however, his request for compensation was first rejected because China considered it an internal affair since Taiwan was part of Fujian Province of China and the Ryūkyū Kingdom had an tributary relationship with China. When Soejima Taneomi claimed four of the victims murdered were from Oda Prefecture, present-day Okayama Prefecture, Japan and asked for compensation again, Chinese officials refused him on the grounds that most of the Taiwanese aboriginals were outside effective Chinese control, and were thus sometimes exempt from judicial action. Charles Le Gendre, the French-born American military advisor to the Japanese government, as well as Gustave Emile Boissonade, legal advisor, urged that Japan take the matter into its own hands.

The Japanese government agreed, and sent an expedition of 3,600 soldiers led by Saigō Tsugumichi in May 1874. The number of casualties for the Paiwan tribesmen was about 30, and that for the Japanese was 543 (12 killed in battle and 531 by disease).

Although overtly to punish the local tribesmen for beheading Okinawan merchants, the Taiwan Expedition served multiple purposes for the new Meiji government. In terms of foreign policy, it was intended in part to force formal Chinese acknowledgment of Japanese sovereignty over the Ryūkyū Islands, and lack of effective control over Taiwan. It was also a trial balloon to study the performance of the Japanese military in a future invasion of Taiwan. Domestically, the action also mollified those within the Meiji government who were pushing for a more aggressive foreign policy, and who were enraged by the government's refusal in 1873 to attack Korea. It is significant that the expedition took place shortly after the Saga Rebellion, and was led by Saigō Tsugumichi (Saigō Takamori's younger brother) and consisted largely of former Satsuma and Saga samurai.

Japanese forces withdrew from Taiwan after the Qing government agreed to an indemnity of 500,000 Kuping taels.

 

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* 從醫學資料看臺灣的族群融合 by 陳順勝

6,000年前 南島語族遷移來臺灣發展族群：泰雅族、鄒族、賽夏、巴則海、洪雅族 　

5,000年前 排灣族群：排灣、卑南、魯凱族群遺址 (卑南遺址) 　

2,000年前 凱達格蘭族遷回臺灣

1,500年前 阿美族在靜浦─靜浦文化，鐵器時代 　

1,000年前 猴猴族遷回臺灣或由泰雅族分出(？) 　　

500年前 雅美族由菲律賓巴丹島移居蘭嶼

 

卑南遺址

大約在一百多年前，日本的學者鳥居龍藏來到台東卑南遺址，留下了最早的照片和記錄。月形石柱的價值，在於它所代表的象徵和意義，因為它正是卑南文化千年故事的起點。

卑南遺址，位於台灣台東縣卑南山東南端的山麓，是屬於台灣東部之新石器時代卑南文化的一個代表性遺址。根據考古學家的推斷，該遺址存在的年代大約是距今5300至2300年前，其中又以距今3500至2300年前最為興盛。卑南遺址的面積超過30萬平方公尺，是目前台灣所發現最大的史前聚落。此外，卑南遺址也出土了許多石板棺以及棺內精美的陪葬品，是環太平洋與東南亞地區規模最大的石板棺墓葬群遺址。

目前，卑南遺址不但是中華民國內政部文化建設委員會所指定的國定遺址，同時在該處也設有卑南文化公園，是台灣第一個考古遺址公園。

遺址挖掘簡史: 卑南遺址最早的考古紀錄是由日治初期的日本籍人類學者鳥居龍藏所開始，他曾為卑南遺址的石柱拍攝兩幀照片，其拍攝時間可能約在1896年。而鹿野忠雄則是第一位將卑南遺址當作考古遺址加以研究的學者，在鹿野忠雄1930年發表的文章中曾敘述在卑南遺址所在處有數不清的板岩石柱豎立於地表上。1945年時，金關丈夫和國分直一首次對最大立石的周圍開始進行試掘，並發現埋藏於遺跡地底的陶器以及住屋遺跡。

二次大戰結束之後，雖然有不少台灣學者陸續前來卑南遺址進行調查，但都未曾做過發掘。1980年，南迴鐵路卑南新站（今台東站）開工，將地下沉睡數千年的遺構、遺物大量揭露，並造成嚴重破壞，而引起輿論及各方的高度關切。台東縣政府遂委託台灣大學考古人類學系的宋文薰、連照美兩位教授，進行搶救考古。搶救考古工作共進行13梯次，前後長達9年，成果十分豐碩。無論是發掘面積、出土石棺及遺物數量皆是台灣考古史的空前紀錄，尤其是大量精美玉器重現於世，令人驚艷。

卑南文化: 卑南文化主要分佈於台灣東部的海岸山脈和花東縱谷南段的河階、海階或山區的緩坡地。重要遺址除了卑南遺址之外，還包括掃叭、富山、漁場、漁場南、東河Ⅰ、東河Ⅲ等其他地方。在這些遺址都出土了大量鐮刀、石刀等農具，而且器型也有大型化的趨勢，可見農耕更形發展、也更重要了。至於海岸地區的遺址則出土豐富的網墜、尖器等漁業用具，又顯示對海洋資源的依賴。

卑南遺址聚落描述以及出土器物: 卑南遺址的範圍相當大，面積超過30萬平方公尺。不但聚落龐大，而且建築物成排分佈，格局嚴謹，已經是頗具組織的社會結構。其住屋略成南北軸向，遙指都蘭山。每棟家屋坐西朝東，遠望溪流與海洋。家屋主體為長方形平面，東西長11.5公尺。南北寬5.5公尺。以板岩石板、大漂石為牆基，木材為柱，屋牆、屋頂葺以竹架、茅草。屋前以石板舖成方形前庭，屋後有橢圓形砌石圈，用來儲存食物及大陶罐。聚落中還有零星分佈的高架榖倉，支柱上配有防鼠板。

狩獵與農耕是卑南文化人的主要生業。他們在山林間獵野豬，在丘陵、平原捕梅花鹿。種植的穀物有旱稻、小米，以「山田燒墾」方式開闢田地。出土的農耕工具相當多，有墾地伐木的石鋤、石斧，收割的石刀、石鎌，舂榖的石杵等。狩獵的主要工具則有石矛、石鏃等。聚落雖然瀕臨卑南大溪，但村民並不擅長捕漁，魚類只是輔助的食物。

長期定居促使族人發展出各類工藝技術。除了農具、獵具等石器外，陶器是日常生活最普遍的用具之一，主要用來盛水、儲物及烹煮。陶器通常是手製，偶而使用轉盤整修技術，以露天方式燒成，火侯較低。外表以橙色素麵為主，少有紋飾。主要器形有罐、缽、小口瓶等容器，以及陶紡輪、陶槌、陶勺、陶匙等工具，也有少許裝飾品如陶珠、陶環，隨葬品如陶偶等。

精緻的玉器最能顯現族人審美觀與工藝技術能力。包括玉與似玉材質製成的頭飾、耳飾、頸飾、胸飾、腕飾、臂飾，以及一些非實用性的武器、工具，式樣繁多，風格別具。造形上，以玦形耳飾最富於變化。其中人獸形玦造形可作為代表，已被國立台灣史前文化博物館選為該館的館徽。這些玉器多為族人平常的裝飾品，人過世後則當作隨葬品長埋地底。從這些玉器的精細程度來判斷，很可能已經有人專門從事玉石飾品製作，並以玉製器物來交易。

此外，有數以千計的石板棺埋在卑南遺址的建築物底部，成帶狀分佈，而且與地上建築物的座向相同，顯然意義非比尋常。棺內更有豐富又精美的陪葬玉器、陶器，可見當時人已有靈魂觀念，相信死後另有世界，並且有相沿成俗的喪葬儀禮。出土的家屋與墓葬上下緊密交疊，成為卑南遺址的一大特色。

該遺址也發現了被獵頭的無頭遺骸，很可能是因為族群擴張領域、爭奪自然資源，開始出現部落間的爭戰。

遺址公園的誕生: 基於卑南遺址的重要性，宋文薰教授於1982年即建議就地興建野外博物館。1988年，卑南遺址被中華民國內政部列為國家一級古蹟。1991年，中央政府決定將遺址現地規劃為「卑南文化公園」。2002年8月，位於卑南遺址附近台東市康樂車站的國立台灣史前文化博物館首先開幕。4個月後，卑南文化公園遊客中心正式對外開放，台灣第一個遺址公園於焉誕生。

整個卑南文化公園的規劃理念，是將遺址視作一個蒼穹博物館。因此，該公園的一個特色，就是可以在園區內看到現場的考古發掘展示。

卑南文化公園的地址是台東市文化公園路200號。

 

 

* 鳥瞰台灣史前文化 by tnfsh.tn.edu.tw

 

____________________________________________________________________________________________

 

* Polynesian Origins: Insights from the Y chromosome by Bing Su, et al.

Y-chromosome Haplotype Frequency Distribution in Asian and Oceanic Populations

Populations	N	H1	H2	H3	H4	H5	H6	H7	H8	H9	H10	H11	H12	H14	H16	H17
Bunun	9									11.1	66.7
Atayal	24						29.2	4.2	4.2	54.2	8.3
Yami	8									25.0		75
Paiwan	11								18.2	54.5	27.3
Ami	6									100.0

 

 

The Phylogeny of Y-chromosome Haplotypes in East Asians (H1-H17) from Natives or Immigrants: Modern human origin in east Asia by Li Jin and Bing Su

 

 

* Recent Anthropological Genetic Study of Taiwan Indigenous Populations by Shu-Juo Chen, et al.

Y-chromosome Haplotype Frequency Distribution in Asian and Oceanic Populations

Populations	N	H1	H2	H3	H4	H5	H6	H7	H8	H9	H10	H11	H12	H14	H16	H17
Bunun	17					5.9				17.6	58.8		17.6
Atayal	22						4.5			95.5
Yami	7							14.3		71.4	14.3
Paiwan	22								9.1	63.6	27.3
Ami	19							31.6	5.3	36.8	26.3
Puyuma	11							9.1		72.7	9.1			9.1
Tsou	18							5.6		88.9	5.6
Rukai	11									81.8	18.2
Saisiat	11							27.3		45.5	9.1	9.1	9.1
Thao	11					9.1		9.1		72.7	9.1
Pazah	11					18.2		27.3		18.2	36.4

 

 

* An Anthropological Genetic Study of Taiwan Aborigines Using Y-Chromosome-Specific Microsatellite Variation by 朱家琳

Abstract: This study analyzed the genetic variation of seven Y-chromosomal microsatellite loci (DYS19, DYS388, DYS389, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392 and DYS393) of 240 unrelated male individuals from eight Taiwan aboriginal populations (Atayal, Amis, Bunun, Paiwan, Puyuma, Rukai, Saisiat and Tsou) to investigate genetic affinities among these populations and their population history. A total of 79 different haplotypes among 240 males were observed in the study, of which 51 (65%) were each found in a single male only, and 13 (16%) were shared between populations. Analysis of gene diversity indicated that several studied populations have experienced substantial genetic isolation with a reduction in male effective sizes, or have suffered bottlenecks in the past (e.g. Paiwan, Bunun, Tsou and Atayal). All the haplotypes were divided into three main subgroups based on stepwise mutation model. Furthermore, the studied populations were categorized by their predominant haplotypes. According to their haplotype distributions, these eight populations were divided into four groups: (1) Paiwan, Rukai and Puyuma (2) Atayal, Bunun and Tsou (3) Amis and (4) Saisiat. st statistics identified close genetic affinities among the populations in group 1. On the other hand, that the allelic and haplotype distributions of the populations in group 2 were distinct from each other, which suggested that gene flow among these neighboring populations were limited. It is not easy to analyze the genetic variation of Saisiat and Amis because of their complex haplotype distributions. The special allelic distribution of Amis might result from more than one bottleneck occurred in the past or genetic admixture of more than one populations.

 

 

* Y-Chromosome Evidence for a Northward Migration of Modern Humans into Eastern Asia during the Last Ice Age by Bing Su, et al.

Abstract: The timing and nature of the arrival and the subsequent expansion of modern humans into eastern Asia remains controversial. Using Y-chromosome biallelic markers, we investigated the ancient human-migration patterns in eastern Asia. Our data indicate that southern populations in eastern Asia are much more polymorphic than northern populations, which have only a subset of the southern haplotypes. This pattern indicates that the first settlement of modern humans in eastern Asia occurred in mainland Southeast Asia during the last Ice Age, coinciding with the absence of human fossils in eastern Asia, 50,000–100,000 years ago. After the initial peopling, a great northward migration extended into northern China and Siberia.

Principal-component Analysis of Y-chromosome Haplotype Frequencies of 30 Eastern-Asian Populations from

 

 

* mtDNA Analysis of Bunun Remains Stored in the National Taiwan University by Shinoda Ken-ichi

Abstract: The Bunun tribe is one of the aboriginal Taiwanese populations living in the central mountain area of Taiwan. In this study, we analyzed the sequence variability of hypervariable region I and II of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) in order to investigate the relationships between modern and historical Bunun populations. mtDNA sequences were retrieved from 25 of 34 samples that were obtained from the historical Bunun skeletal remains stored in National Taiwan University. In combination with the mtDNA data of 8 extant Taiwan aboriginal populations, we carried out phylogenetic analysis based on haplogroup frequency data. The results show that the genetic structure of the historical Bunun population is a complex matriline and that these samples share the same haplogroup with the extant Bunun population. Analysis of the genetic composition of the aboriginal populations also reveals an important ethnic heterogeneity of the present aboriginal Taiwanese. Analysis of genetic distances based on haplogroup frequencies revealed 2 distinct clusters composed of northern and central mountain groups (Atayal, Saistat, and Bunun) and east coast and southern mountain groups (Paiwan, Rukai, Amis, and Yami). The mtDNA haplogroups in the Taiwan aboriginal populations were found to be different from those in the Chinese and Taiwan-Han population; therefore, these Taiwan aboriginal haplogroups might have stemmed from the gene pool of the initial late Pleistocene settlers. Genetic diversity among the aboriginal populations may be attributed to the prolonged isolation and random genetic drift after the single introduction of all mtDNA haplogroups into Taiwan. Our experiments also indicate the availability of the past skeletal remains for verifying the hypotheses formulated on the basis of genetic data derived from the present populations.

 

 

* Mitochondrial DNA Polymorphisms in Nine Aboriginal Groups of Taiwan: Implications for the population history of aboriginal Taiwanese by A. Tajima, et al.

Abstract: Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) polymorphisms in the D-loop region and the intergenic COII/tRNA(Lys) 9-bp deletion were examined in 180 individuals from all nine aboriginal Taiwanese groups: Atayal, Saisiat, Bunun, Tsou, Rukai, Paiwan, Ami, Puyuma, and Yami. A comparison of 563-bp sequences showed that there were 61 different sequence types, of which 42 types were specific to respective aboriginal groups. D-loop sequence variation and phylogenetic analysis enabled the 180 aboriginal lineages to be classified into eight monophyletic clusters (designated C1-C8). Phylogeographic analysis revealed that two (C2 and C4) of the eight clusters were new characteristic clusters of aboriginal Taiwanese and accounted for 8.3% and 13.9% of the aboriginal lineages, respectively. From the estimated coalescent times for the two unique clusters, the mtDNA lineages leading to such clusters were inferred to have been introduced into Taiwan approximately 11,000-26,000 years ago, suggesting ancient immigrations of the two mtDNA lineages. Genetic distances, based on net nucleotide diversities between populations, revealed three distinct clusters that were comprised of northern mountain (Atayal and Saisiat), southern mountain (Rukai and Paiwan), and middle mountain/east coast (Bunun, Tsou, Ami, Puyuma, and Yami) groups, respectively. Furthermore, phylogenetic analysis of 16 human populations (including six other Asian populations and one African population) confirmed that the three clusters for aboriginal Taiwanese had remained largely intact. Each of the clusters (north, south, and middle-east coast) was characterized by a high frequency of a particular lineage (C4, C2, and 9-bp deletion, respectively). This may result from random genetic drift among the aboriginal groups after a single introduction of all the mtDNA lineages into Taiwan, but another plausible explanation is that at least three genetically distinct ancestral populations have contributed to the maternal gene pool of aboriginal Taiwanese.

 

 

* A Comparative Study of Sakizaya and Amis in Hualien by Mitochondrial DNA Sequences Analysis by Li-huang Tsai

NJ Tree

 

UPGMA Tree

 

 

* Traces of Archaic Mitochondrial Lineages Persist in Austronesian-Speaking Formosan Populations by Jean A. Trejaut, et al.

Principal Components Analysis

 

* More Genetic Sharing among the Population of Taiwan than Expected: A plain tribes (Pinpu) perspective by Marie Lin, et al.

Mitochondrial DNA (Neighbor Joining Phylogram)

 

 

* Genetic Evidence for the Proto-Austronesian Homeland in Asia: mtDNA and Nuclear DNA Variation in Taiwanese Aboriginal Tribes by Terry Melton, et al.

Neighbor-joining Tree Based on Matrix of Nei Standard Genetic Distances, for the Eight Alu Insertion Polymorphisms

 

PC Map Based on First and Second Scaled Vectors Derived from the Frequency of Eight Alu Insertion Polymorphisms

 

 

* Genetic Relationship of Populations in China by J. Y. Chu, et al.

Phylogeny Constructed by Using the Neighbor-joining Method based on 30 Microsatellites

 

 

* Population Genetic Studies on Nine Aboriginal Ethnic Groups of Taiwan - Red Cell Enzyme Systems by Feng Jin, et al.

NJ Dendrogram

 

 

* Dental Arch and Palate in Taiwan Aboriginals--Ami, Bunun, Paiwan and Rukai Tribes by H. Miyazaki, et al.

Abstract: Differences in the dental arch and palate among Taiwan Aboriginals were investigated and compared with Taiwanese and Japanese. Plaster models were taken from 315 Taiwan Aboriginal adults, 185 Taiwanese and 426 Japanese between 1979 and 1989, and various dimensions were measured. There were no clear differences in the characteristics of the dental arch and palate between Taiwan Aboriginal tribes. However, they were found to differ from those of Taiwanese and Japanese. In a dendrogram constructed from a cluster analysis, two major clusters were found. Among males, the first cluster contained Paiwan and Rukai, the second contained Japanese, Taiwanese, Ami and Bunun. Among females, the first contained Japanese, Taiwanese, Rukai and Paiwan, the second contained Ami and Bunun. The Ami were close to Bunun and the Paiwan were close to Rukai among both males and females. These results indicate that Ami and Bunun, and Paiwan and Rukai, respectively, have close affinities.

 

 

* Heterogeneity of Taiwan’s Indigenous Population: Possible relation to prehistoric Mongoloid dispersals by m. Lin, et al.

Neighbor-joining tree of Taiwan’s indigenous peoples, Asians, North American Indians and Oceanians

Taiwan’s indigenous groups were found clustering together and adjacent to Maori and PNG Highlanders. Pazeh showed affinity with ‘Taiwanese’ (Hoklo, Hakka)

 

 

* HLA Genetic Diversity and Linguistic Variation in East Asia by Alicia Sanchez-Mazas, et al.

Multidimensional Analysis (MDS) of Asian Populations Based on the HLADRB1 Allelic Polymorphism

AL: Altaic; AN (EF): Austronesian (Extra-Formosan); AN (TA): Austronesian (from Taiwan); AU: Austroasiatic; CK: Chukchi-Kamchatkan; EA: Eskimo-Aleut; GI: Gilyak; IEUY: Indo-European and Uralic-Yukaghir; KA: Tai-Kadai; SI: Sinitic; ST: Sino-Tibetan (here only Sinitic). Chinese (1): Northern Chinese; Chinese (2): Southern Chinese.

 

 

* Population Genetic Studies on Nine Aboriginal Ethnic Groups of Taiwan II. Serum Protein Systems by Isao Yuasa, et al.

NJ Trees for the Nine Aboriginal Groups of Taiwan and Eight Other Populations Based on Ds (A) and Dc (B) Distance Matrix

 

 

* A Study of the Genetic Relationships Among Aboriginal Populations in Taiwan ：Comparison of Pseudogene Sequences on Autosomal Chormorsome

UPGMA Tree

(P-Puyuma, Ta-Atayal, S-Saisiat, T-Tsou, R-Rukai, Pai-Paiwan, H-Taiwan Han, A-Amis, B-Bunun)

 

NJ Tree

 

 

* A Homeland or Hostland? The power and challenges of genetic studies on Austronesian’s expansion by Mutsu Hsu and Shu-Juo Chen

Neighbor-joining Tree of Taiwan AN Populations, East Asians, Southeast Asians and Other Populations Worldwide (from Chu et al. 2001)

 

Neighbor-joining (NJ) Tree for the Nine Taiwan AN Populations and Other Asian and African Populations (from Tajima et al. 2003)

Ami showed difference with other eight populations (including Yami)

 

 

* Some Hypotheses on the Formation of East Asian Language Families by Laurent Sagart

Higer AN Phylogeny Based on Innovations among Numerals

 

 

* The Peopling of the Pacific from a Bacterial Perspective by Yoshan Moodley, et al.

The Distribution of H. pylori Populations in Asia and the Pacific

(Distribution of hspMaori among Taiwnaese aborigines: Kavalan 0/1, Atayal 4/4, Amis 7/16, Bunun 13/14, Rukai 3/3, Paiwan 15/18, Yami 1/3)

1. Japan-Hokkaido, 2. Japan-Honshu, 3. Japan-Okinawa, 4. Korea, 5. China-Hong Kong, 13. Vietnam, 14. Singapore, 15. Malaysia, 16. Thailand, 17. Philippines, 18. India - Ladakh, 19. New Caledonia - Melanesians, 20. New Caledonia - Polynesians from Wallis and Futuna, 21. New Zealand, 22. Samoa/Tonga

 

 

HLA-A24

HLA-A24 (A24) is a human leukocyte antigen serotype within HLA-A serotype group.

A*2402 has one of the highest "A" frequencies identified for a number of peoples, including Papua New Guineans, Indigenous Taiwanese (Eastern Tribals), Yupik and Greenland Eskimos. It is common over much of Southeastern Asia. In Eurasia it is least common in Ireland, and A24 is relatively uncommon in Africa except North Africa and Kenya.

A*2402 is a secondary risk factor, alters type 1 diabetes risk, and allele associated with thymoma-induced myasthenia gravis

 

HLA A*2402 Frequencies

Study population	Freq.( %)
Taiwan Paiwan	86.3
Taiwan Tsou	78.4
Taiwan Rukai	76.0
Papua New Guinea Goroka	74.4
PNG Karimui Plateau	74.4
Taiwan Puyuma	64.0
Taiwan Ami	62.8
PNG Wanigela	62.7
Taiwan Atayal	61.8
New Caledonia	60.7
Taiwan Tao	54.0
PNG Wosera	51.3
Taiwan Siraya	47.1
Taiwan Taroko	44.5
Taiwan Pazeh	33.6
Japan Okinawa Ryukuan	33.5
American Samoa	33.0
Japan	32.7
Philippines Ivatan	32.0
PNG New Britain Rabaul	31.6
Australia Indig. Yuendumu	29.8
Australia Indig. Groote E…	29.3
China Tibetans	27.2
Japan Ainu Hokkaido	24.0
Australia Indig. Cape Yor…	22.3
Ch. Guangdong Meizhou Han	22.2
Russia Tuva	21.5
Singapore Chinese Han	21.5
India North Hindus	20.2
Mongolia Buriat	20.0
China Inner Mongolia	19.6
Taiwan Minnan	18.6
China South Han	17.2
Croatia	16.0
China North Han	15.2
Romanian	12.7
Finland	9.4
Portugal Centre	8.0
Ireland South	6.8
Thailand	3.9
Czech Republic	1.0

 

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排灣族

排灣族來義社頭目家的石板屋建築

排灣族(Paiwan)為台灣原住民，發源於北大武山，目前居住在海拔1000公尺以下的山區。以台灣南部為活動區域，分佈北起大武山地，南達[恆春，西自隘寮，東到太麻里以南海岸。包括高雄縣市、屏東縣、台東縣境內，人口約六、七萬餘人（2000年為83391人），為台灣第三大原住民族，擁有台灣原住民少有的貴族制度，並以巫術出名。排灣族在比較上深具文化性，除了與其它原住民族一樣善歌舞外，他們有貴族制度，精良的雕刻技術，以及每五年舉辦一次的盛大的五年祭。

 

族群

• 北排灣的拉瓦爾群由於毗鄰霧台鄉的魯凱族，加上通婚頻繁，文化上深受魯凱族的影響，例如百合花的佩戴、長嗣的繼承。北排灣的排灣文化在新生代的提倡下富有活力與創造力。如陶壺的製作，琉璃珠的製作都在北排灣人的努力下復活。
• 南排灣的牡丹鄉在歷史上赫赫有名，清朝同治年間，日本人侵恆春半島引發牡丹社事件，擴大為國際事件，是原住民族抗日的英勇事蹟。內外獅頭社事件則是原住民族抗清的血淚史。至於滿州鄉的排灣人由於鄰近漢族與阿美族，受到二種外來文化的影響甚深。
• 東排灣的巴卡羅群混合了卑南族、阿美族的文化，在服飾及生活習俗上呈現了三個族群的混合體。

分Raval亞族和vutsul亞族

• vutsul群又分

1. paumaumaq群(北排灣族)
2. 中排灣族

屏東縣來義鄉

1. chaoboobol群和parilario群(南排灣族)

• 屏東縣獅子鄉
• 屏東縣牡丹鄉
• 屏東縣滿州鄉(八瑤)

1. paqaroqaro群（東部排灣）。

• 臺東縣臺東市(新園里)
• 臺東縣太麻里鄉
• 臺東縣大武鄉
• 臺東縣金峰鄉
• 臺東縣達仁鄉

排灣族人口集中屏東縣，以來義鄉人口最多。

 

工藝

• 排灣族最引人注目的是華麗的服飾。身穿佈滿圖案，一針一線繡上去的琉璃珠或繡線，一件華麗的衣飾，要耗上一個排灣女子半年的心血與時光，而每一個人的圖案都不一樣，又表現了排灣人的創造力與凸顯自我美感的獨特性。
  

飾物主要分：

• • 自然飾物有鮮花、羽毛、皮毛、獸牙、豹皮只限於貴族直系佩用，琉璃珠、貝等也都只限於貴族使用。
  • 織繡：男女繡邊衣服、飾帶、織繡喪巾等都是每人一套，不轉讓。
  • 其他還有銀製、銅製、貝製、花綴頭飾、肩飾、胸飾、背飾、腕飾及脂飾等等。
• 除了服飾之外，就屬木雕最為世人稱道。種類有建築(如門楣、立柆)，傢具用具(連杯、湯匙、梳子)、武器(裝飾禮刀)、宗教器物等以及玩賞雕物等，雕刻的題材以神話傳說、狩獵生活、祖靈像為主。最常見的雕像為人首與雙蛇，其次為裸身人像、動物及蛇紋、菱紋等。
• 另一種是一項身體藝術，也就是一般人所謂的刺青。表現於女子的手背，男子的前胸、後背。凡是村落中的貴族或有特殊功績，由頭目賜予裝飾身體的權利。

 

社會制度

排灣族屬於階級制度，大致上分為頭目、貴族、勇士、平民四個階級。貴族階級有特殊裝飾的專利權，頭目與貴族也享有裝飾上的特權，例如酷似百步蛇紋的雄鷹羽毛、高貴的琉璃珠、特殊的圖案(人頭紋、百步蛇紋)。 貴族階級講究門當戶對，以同階級間的聯姻為理想的婚姻形式。藉著婚姻關係可以擴展自我的領地。階級低的族人希望能與比自己階級高的人結婚，藉以提升自己的階級，因而在婚生子女中會有階級昇降的有趣現象。
頭目是地主階級，擁有土地、河流與獵場是一個部落的統治者，也是精神支柱的象徵。屬下的子民為其耕作，並將收穫所得納稅予頭目，頭目則主持部落重大事務如爭戰、祭儀、或與外村的外交工作。

 

祭典

收穫祭(Masarut)

舉行時間在每年七～十一月之間，各村自行決定。是感謝神靈的眷顧，給神過年之意。並做為年度終止開始的分界。主要是由祭師主持祭儀，並將收穫的小米入倉，選播種用的小米，吃新米等活動。目前大部份改為康樂性的活動如歌謠比賽、負重比賽、射箭比賽…等表演性的節目。

人神盟約祭(Maleveq)

排灣族最盛大的祭典，又稱為(五年祭)。傳說排灣族的先祖到神界向女神學習祭儀以祈求五穀豐收、學習農作種植等，並與女神約定，在一段時間內以燃燒小米粳為記號，請神降臨人間。
五年祭長達十五天以上，從準備材料到祭典完畢，一連串的活動以男、女祭師為主導，屬於全部落男性的事務則全村一起參與。

• 祭典準備工作：
  1. 山上修路。
  2. 砍竹子作刺球桿、立刺球架。
  3. 作藤球。
• 正祭期間：
  1. 招請祖靈。 豐年祭典的比賽 「「「」」」
  2. 刺球（以前要獵過首級的人才能上刺球架）。
  3. 送惡靈（往西邊的田野）。
  4. 送善靈（往東邊的田野）。
  5. 刺球（最後一場）。
  6. 砍斷刺球桿，要一刀兩斷否則視為不祥。
  7. 到刺中最後一球的勇士家跳舞。
• 後祭：
  1. 解除五年祭的禁忌（由女巫作祭）。
  2. 男子出獵。
  3. 交還護身符。

五年祭

五年祭只存在布曹爾群，目前舉行五年祭的村落只有來義鄉的古樓、文樂、望嘉、南和、春日鄉的力里、七佳、歸崇、以及台東的土板。五年祭是排灣族的宇宙觀、宗教及社會組織的具體表現。

六年祭(五年後祭)(Pusau tavuvu)

傳說五年祭回來的神祖，有一部份最好的神靈被留下來，到第六年才送走。因此送靈之前也要有一連串的儀式。天數與五年祭差不多，但沒有刺球的活動。

 

知名人物

藝術家撒古流

鄭秋雄 排灣族第一位博士.是日本東京大學建校105年當中第5位獲全票通過的博士畢業的博士畢業生.父親:鄭朝枝→從小受嚴格的日本教育，光復後考上第一期的師範學校.母親:何秀月→是瑪家鄉內第一位考上警察學校的學生.

盲詩人莫那能

 

演藝界

歌手施孝榮

合唱團體動力火車：尤秋興與顔志琳

歌手戴愛玲

歌手胡德夫

歌手曾淑勤

歌手李宣榕

歌手葉瑋庭

 

政治人物

歷史人物卓杞篤

政治人物曾華德

政治人物簡東明

政治人物華加志

政治人物林天生

 

 

三地門

三地門鄉位於台灣屏東縣北端，北臨高雄縣茂林鄉，東鄰霧台鄉，西鄰高樹鄉，南接內埔鄉、瑪家鄉。

本鄉地處山地與平原的交界地帶，多屬丘陵地形，海拔在100~2159公尺之間，有隘寮溪流經鄉境，氣候上屬熱帶季風氣候。居民以台灣原住民排灣族為主，另有部分魯凱族居民（如青葉村），近年來成為熱門的觀光勝地，並被納入茂林國家風景區。

三地門鄉原本在排灣族語中是稱為「音斯笛摩兒」，閩南移居此開墾的漢人以閩南語諧音稱之「山豬毛」或「山地門」。1935年，日本將排灣族Timor、Talavatsal、Salalau三社居民遷移到今日的三地門，並規畫為棋盤街道聚落。當時屬高雄州屏東郡管轄，稱為「山地門」或以片假名「サンティモン」。

戰後初期改設高雄縣三地盟鄉，1947年易名為「三地鄉」，1950年改隸屏東縣，1992年8月更為今名。

 

 

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Artist: Sakuliu Pavavalung - 撒古流·巴瓦瓦隆 (許坤信)

(Photo from 當代原住民藝術家]撒古流‧巴瓦瓦隆─刮起文化旋風 by 洪健元)

 

 

Painting "Old Acquaintances of the Hundred Step Snake" by Sakuliu Pavavalung (magazine cover)

(Flags: Spanish, Dutch, Koxinga, Manchu, Japanese, Chinese)

 

 

* 南島當代藝術資料庫藝術家介紹(台灣) by 高雄市立美術館

Excerpt: 撒古流很早就投入了原住民運動，將恢復族群自覺、文化再生的使命背在身上，他首先回到部落教導傳統手工藝的製作，後來更成立工作室投入雕刻、陶藝等人才的培訓，並陸續找回了傳統陶壺的製作技術、改良傳統的石板屋建築，也進行田野調查，研究排灣族的傳統工藝，出版了《排灣族的裝飾藝術》，推動「部落有教室」計劃……

撒古流的創作傾向於敘事性，題材來自於文化經驗的追認，在內容中則傳達一份時代變遷的感慨。譬如在＜過河，回家的路上＞(2003)、＜一斗米三十六元─不再是以物易物的年代＞(2003)等以「光源」下的活動作為敘事主軸的系列素描作品裡，畫面上的火把、燭光、電燈、太陽等不僅是視覺的焦點，也因著這些不同的光源展開既懷舊又帶有童稚的故事。

對撒古流而言，從具體的空間到人文環境，藝術創作可以是一間咖啡館、一間教室，更是經營一塊好山好水的土地、一個理想的部落。「造形」只是藝術創作的一部份，所以近幾年的作品，更強調觀念性的表達，他認為，要讓人感動，未必要侷限於雕刻，若說一句話就能讓人感動，也是一種藝術。

 

Stone House by Sakuliu Pavavalung

 

* The Dragon and the Snake by Anita Huang

Excerpt: In the Paiwan village of Santimen in southwest Taiwan, Sakuliu Pavavalung (撒古流.巴瓦瓦隆) recently built a flagstone house based on an ancient Paiwan design. He is regarded as something of a hero by his tribe, because he is busily reviving a traditional style of architecture that was in danger of being lost. Sakuliu, whose name means "frontier warrior," has long been a role model for Taiwan's emerging tribal artists, who, like him, have witnessed the fading of their culture. For them, reviving art forms means exactly the same thing as preserving culture. "We don't have a written language," Sakuliu says. "We express what's in our minds through what you call 'art,' although in our own language there is no specific term for 'art,' because 'art' is just our way of life."

To illustrate the concept, Sakuliu explains the significance of flagstone houses. "When our ancestors settled anywhere, they always built a house first and gave it a name," he says. "That name became the family name [replacing the one taken from the house where one was born]. Built in a line along mountain slopes, from a distance those houses resembled a hundred-pacer snake, which we worship. [The snake gets its odd folk name from the belief that any man it bit would only manage to stagger a hundred paces before falling down dead.] The flagstones, glittering in the sun, represented the snake's scales. In houses like that, our ancestors would contemplate man's relationship with the universe. They developed their own astronomical and geographical concepts, then visualized them through engravings and sculptures which they used to decorate all parts of the house. Most of them were hunters, farmers, and artisans all in one. A flagstone house is a little museum, a microcosm that displays how Paiwan people think."

 

 

部落有教室一書封面 by Sakuliu Pavavalung

* 部落有教室 by 楊政賢

Excerpt: 排灣族文化藝人撒古流･巴瓦瓦隆（1998：22）提出「部落有教室」的文化扎根概念與運動，「部落有教室」在空間上提供了部落的自然環境與文化地景，「部落居民在自然環境中的活動區域，形成了族群的文化地景。傳統部落中人與土地的關係，是一種永續的生態經營觀念。這種人與自然的關係，蘊含著豐富的族群文化智慧。所有自然界的地形、地物景觀與動植物相，都有傳統的文化儀式或自然的知識來相應，也衍生出符合生態原則的利用方式。無論現代生態教育觀點或傳統文化認知意涵，自然環境與文化地景絕對是部落無可替代的文化資源。」

然而，撒古流･巴瓦瓦隆亦點出了原住民部落發展的根本困境：「在貨幣化經濟社會的改變中，由於部落並沒有發展出經濟性產業，因而導致青壯人口的外流，更使得老、中、青、幼各代在原本的部落體系鏈結中瓦解。因新生代無法繼續接受母體文化土壤的滋養，而產生族群文化的認同危機，形成部落發展上最根本的問題（上引書：15）」。再者，撒古流･巴瓦瓦隆抱持的願景則是：「我們期待未來的部落教育，能在學校與教會之外，重新建構傳統教育的時間與空間，以進行母體文化教育及其和主體社會銜接與轉化、融合的教育（上引書：28）。」

 

 

Rubbing a Wooden Stick to Make Fire by Sakuliu Pavavalung
Pencil on paper

 

* 撒古流關於「火」的系列素描: 記憶的光影場景 by 文/陳秀薇

Excerpt: 人類對於「火」的追求，起始於對「光明」與「溫暖」的需要與渴望。從不知道如何用火，繼而開始知道火的用處，再則能懂得如何利用火跟保存天然火，最後發展到能夠自己產生新火，歷程漫長而艱辛，而人類也因此逐步克服自然的限制，邁入文明。火帶來熟食，擴大了食物的種類；火帶來溫暖與光明，擴大了居住與活動的時間和範圍。幾乎每個族群都流傳著火的傳說，因為它象徵著人類智慧的演進，與族群發展的深刻意涵。無論是排灣族的甲蟲或tsyatsye鳥送來火種的傳說，或是阿美族花鹿取火的傳說，當然連漢人都有燧人式的神話，希臘有普羅米修斯盜火給人類的故事，在在說明了火對人類的重要性。

而排灣藝術家撒古流，是如何開始他關於「火」的系列素描呢？簡單的說，也是因為處於黑暗時對於「光明」的期待。據他本人的說法，2002～2003年時正值其創作轉型期，原本主要做大型戶外雕塑，而當時因現實狀況，而準備將原有的工作室改成咖啡館經營，失去了原工作室的強烈失落感，讓他有點無所適從。

帶著一種流浪的心境到處遊蕩，最後在鶯歌租到一棟房子，是一間位處臭水溝旁、連門窗都沒有的違章建築，整顆心也同時困在無邊的黑暗裏。直到無意間，在心中出現了一把火，指引著他試圖畫下黑暗中有火的畫面，就如同賣火柴的女孩一點燃微弱的柴火，即可幻化出千百個景像，於是屬於其記憶的寶盒就此開啟。

 

 

* 藍綠之外

* 歡樂嘉年華撒古流的故事 by 曾琬茹

* 連杯的文化意義與藝術表現 by 郭伯佾

* Video: 台灣宏觀電視TMACTV--排灣族藝術家：撒古流

* Video: 秋月的店～屏東三地門鄉原住民藝術的發源地

* Video: 部落有教室/教學活動 

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Artist: Kulele Ruladen - 古勒勒．羅拉登 (雷恩)

 

(Photo from 學成而歸挹注文化新活力 by 洪健元)

 

* 南島當代藝術資料庫藝術家介紹 (台灣) by 高雄市立美術館典

Excerpt: 雷恩的創作主要可分為工藝、雕塑、繪畫與運用複合媒材所作的裝置作品等，在工藝的部份，除了琉璃珠外，他善長以金屬、木材製作造形傢俱與桌上擺飾，並藉此練習金屬媒材(特別是鐵)的工法，或為中、大型雕塑創作之前的模型試作。

雖然雷恩的創作動機始於原住民議題，但未必會在作品上賦予文化符號，而是使作品在生動的形象上打動人心，除了在技法上紮實掌握形態及其動感之外，也引入裝置藝術塑造情境的觀念，使作品具有超現實的幻想魅力。在題材上，除了從個人經驗取材，借古喻今也是他慣用的處理手法，以反映時事，並賦予神話新的詮釋思維。雷恩的創作大多從反省族群文化自身出發，他以自己在平地求學而後回到部落的經驗指出，「外來的事物」未必都是適切原住民的，但更重要的是原住民要有自己的判斷，而非排斥或照單全收。

擁有學院的知識與技術，是雷恩與其他自學出身的原住民藝術家不同之處，而透過對原住民傳統文化的重新詮釋，則使雷恩在這個以漢族為主體的當代藝術環境中，找到了自己的創作方向。雷恩認為，學院的訓練對他影響最大的地方，在於創作的方法上，使他知道如何架構自己的思考空間；不過我們也看到，回到部落的雷恩，有如看到了一個等待他挖掘的文化寶庫，激發他源源不絕的創作活力，這種與在地文化緊密結合的創作精神，亦是原住民在當代藝術創作裡重要的特質。

 

 

部落耆老 by Kulele-Ruladen; 1996 炭筆素描

 

 

2009 World Games Medals Designed by Kulele-Ruladen

 

* 2009 世界運動大會獎牌「原」味足 by 曹明正

Excerpt: 由排灣族藝術家雷恩（古勒勒．羅拉登）設計的世運獎盃， 正面的波浪紋代表高雄 (Kaohsiung) 自許的海洋城市， 反面則是本屆世運LOGO「高」， 上方有「榮耀之珠」， 飾帶則是百合花剪影， 整體視覺很有「原住民格調」。

雷恩是來自屏東三地門，是素有琉璃珠之父尊稱巫瑪斯的二公子。

 

 

* 排灣藝術家雷恩 賦予街道家具新藝境 by 楊菁菁

* 尼誕和雷恩的創作世界

* 排灣族雷恩創作之研究 (A Study of Kulele-Ruladen Creation of Paiwan Tribe) by 羅貴芬

* 雷恩 by Contemporary Austronesian Art

* Video: 排灣族藝術家工作紀實 Origin to Now

 

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Map of Taiwanese Aboriginal Tribes